Wednesday, December 31, 2008

"Why I Am a Socialist" -- Chris Hedges, Dec 29, 2008



Why I Am a Socialist Posted on Dec 29, 2008

By Chris Hedges

The corporate forces that are looting the Treasury and have plunged us
into a depression will not be contained by the two main political
parties. The Democratic and Republican parties have become little more
than squalid clubs of privilege and wealth, whores to money and
corporate interests, hostage to a massive arms industry, and so adept at
deception and self-delusion they no longer know truth from lies. We will
either find our way out of this mess by embracing an uncompromising
democratic socialism-one that will insist on massive government relief
and work programs, the nationalization of electricity and gas companies,
a universal, not-for-profit government health care program, the
outlawing of hedge funds, a radical reduction of our bloated military
budget and an end to imperial wars-or we will continue to be fleeced and
impoverished by our bankrupt elite and shackled and chained by our
surveillance state.

The free market and globalization, promised as the route to worldwide
prosperity, have been exposed as a con game. But this does not mean our
corporate masters will disappear. Totalitarianism, as George Orwell
pointed out, is not so much an age of faith as an age of schizophrenia.
?A society becomes totalitarian when its structure becomes flagrantly
artificial,? Orwell wrote, ?that is when its ruling class has lost
its function but succeeds in clinging to power by force or fraud.?
Force and fraud are all they have left. They will use both.

There is a political shift in Europe toward an open confrontation with
the corporate state. Germany has seen a surge of support for Die Linke
(The Left), a political grouping formed 18 months ago. It is co-led by
the veteran socialist ?Red? Oskar Lafontaine, who has built his
career on attacking big business. Two-thirds of Germans in public
opinion polls say they agree with all or some of Die Linke?s platform.
The Socialist Party of the Netherlands is on the verge of overtaking the
Labor Party as the main opposition party on the left. Greece, beset with
street protests and violence by disaffected youths, has seen the rapid
rise of the Coalition of the Radical Left. In Spain and Norway
socialists are in power. Resurgence is not universal, especially in
France and Britain, but the shifts toward socialism are significant.

Corporations have intruded into every facet of life. We eat corporate
food. We buy corporate clothes. We drive corporate cars. We buy our
vehicular fuel and our heating oil from corporations. We borrow from
corporate banks. We invest our retirement savings with corporations. We
are entertained, informed and branded by corporations. We work for
corporations. The creation of a mercenary army, the privatization of
public utilities and our disgusting for-profit health care system are
all legacies of the corporate state. These corporations have no loyalty
to America or the American worker. They are not tied to nation states.
They are vampires.

?By now the [commercial] revolution has deprived the mass of
consumers of any independent access to the staples of life: clothing,
shelter, food, even water,? Wendell Berry wrote in ?The Unsettling
of America.? ?Air remains the only necessity that the average user
can still get for himself, and the revolution had imposed a heavy tax on
that by way of pollution. Commercial conquest is far more thorough and
final than military defeat.?

The corporation is designed to make money without regard to human life,
the social good or impact on the environment. Corporate laws impose a
legal duty on corporate executives to make as much money as possible for
shareholders, although many have moved on to fleece shareholders as
well. In the 2003 documentary film ?The Corporation? the management
guru Peter Drucker says: ?If you find an executive who wants to take
on social responsibilities, fire him. Fast.?

A corporation that attempts to engage in social responsibility, that
tries to pay workers a decent wage with benefits, that invests its
profits to protect the environment and limit pollution, that gives
consumers fair deals, can be sued by shareholders. Robert Monks, the
investment manager, says in the film: ?The corporation is an
externalizing machine, in the same way that a shark is a killing
machine. There isn?t any question of malevolence or of will. The
enterprise has within it, and the shark has within it, those
characteristics that enable it to do that for which it was designed.?
Ray Anderson, the CEO of Interface Corp., the world?s largest
commercial carpet manufacturer, calls the corporation a ?present day
instrument of destruction? because of its compulsion to ?externalize
any cost that an unwary or uncaring public will allow it to
externalize.?

?The notion that we can take and take and take and take, waste and
waste, without consequences, is driving the biosphere to destruction,?
Anderson says.

In short, the film, based on Joel Bakan?s book ?The Corporation:
The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power,? asserts that the
corporation exhibits many of the traits found in people clinically
defined as psychopaths.

Psychologist Dr. Robert Hare lists in the film psychopathic traits and
ties them to the behavior of corporations:

callous unconcern for the feelings for others; incapacity to maintain
enduring relationships; reckless disregard for the safety of others;
deceitfulness: repeated lying and conning others for profit; incapacity
to experience guilt; failure to conform to social norms with respect to
lawful behavior.

And yet, under the American legal system, corporations have the same
legal rights as individuals. They give hundreds of millions of dollars
to political candidates, fund the army of some 35,000 lobbyists in
Washington and thousands more in state capitals to write corporate-
friendly legislation, drain taxpayer funds and abolish government
oversight. They saturate the airwaves, the Internet, newsprint and
magazines with advertisements promoting their brands as the friendly
face of the corporation. They have high-priced legal teams, millions of
employees, skilled public relations firms and thousands of elected
officials to ward off public intrusions into their affairs or halt messy
lawsuits. They hold a near monopoly on all electronic and printed
sources of information. A few media giants-AOL-Time Warner, General
Electric, Viacom, Disney and Rupert Murdoch?s NewsGroup- control
nearly everything we read, see and hear.

?Private capital tends to become concentrated in [a] few hands,
partly because of competition among the capitalists, and partly because
technological development and the increasing division of labor encourage
the formation of larger units of production at the expense of the
smaller ones,? Albert Einstein wrote in 1949 in the Monthly Review in
explaining why he was a socialist. ?The result of these developments
is an oligarchy of private capital the enormous power of which cannot be
effectively checked even by a democratically organized political
society. This is true since the members of legislative bodies are
selected by political parties, largely financed or otherwise influenced
by private capitalists who, for all practical purposes, separate the
electorate from the legislature. The consequence is that the
representatives of the people do not in fact sufficiently protect the
interests of the underprivileged sections of the population. Moreover,
under existing conditions, private capitalists inevitably control,
directly or indirectly, the main sources of information (press, radio,
education). It is thus extremely difficult, and indeed in most cases
quite impossible, for the individual citizen to come to objective
conclusions and to make intelligent use of his political rights.?

Labor and left-wing activists, especially university students and well-
heeled liberals, have failed to unite. This division, which is often
based on social rather than economic differences, has long stymied
concerted action against ruling elites. It has fractured the American
left and rendered it impotent.

?Large sections of the middle class are being gradually
proletarianized; but the important point is that they do not, at any
rate not in the first generation, adopt a proletarian outlook,? Orwell
wrote in 1937 during the last economic depression. ?Here I am, for
instance, with a bourgeois upbringing and a working-class income. Which
class do I belong to? Economically I belong to the working class, but it
is almost impossible for me to think of myself as anything but a member
of the bourgeoisie. And supposing I had to take sides, whom should I
side with, the upper class which is trying to squeeze me out of
existence, or the working class whose manners are not my manners? It is
probable that I, personally, in any important issue, would side with the
working class. But what about the tens or hundreds of thousands of
others who are in approximately the same position? And what about that
far larger class, running into millions this time-the office-workers and
black-coated employees of all kinds- whose traditions are less definite
middle class but who would certainly not thank you if you called them
proletarians? All of these people have the same interests and the same
enemies as the working class. All are being robbed and bullied by the
same system. Yet how many of them realize it? When the pinch came nearly
all of them would side with their oppressors and against those who ought
to be their allies. It is quite easy to imagine a working class crushed
down to the worst depths of poverty and still remaining bitterly
anti-working- class in sentiment; this being, of course, a ready-made
Fascist party.?

Coalitions of environmental, anti-nuclear, anti-capitalist,
sustainable-agriculture and anti-globalization forces have coalesced in
Europe to form and support socialist parties. This has yet to happen in
the United States. The left never rallied in significant numbers behind
Cynthia McKinney or Ralph Nader. In picking the lesser of two evils, it
threw its lot in with a Democratic Party that backs our imperial wars,
empowers the national security state and does the bidding of
corporations.

If Barack Obama does not end the flagrant theft of taxpayer funds by
corporate slugs and the disgraceful abandonment of our working class,
especially as foreclosures and unemployment mount, many in the country
will turn in desperation to the far right embodied by groups such as
Christian radicals. The failure by the left to offer a democratic
socialist alternative will mean there will be, in the eyes of many
embittered and struggling working- and middle-class Americans, no
alternative but a perverted Christian fascism. The inability to
articulate a viable socialism has been our gravest mistake. It will
ensure, if this does not soon change, a ruthless totalitarian
capitalism.

Tuesday, December 30, 2008

From the Israeli socialist magazine, Challenge


30 December, 2008
ISRAEL PREFERS WAR RATHER THAN PAY THE PRICE OF PEACE
Filed under: Palestine — admin @ 4:14 pm

From the Israeli socialist magazine, Challenge.

by Yacov Ben Efrat

Israel’s military operation called Molten Lead started on Saturday, December 27, 2008 and took more than 200 lives in its first day, much to the satisfaction of the Israeli public. Already on Friday there were cries of “Go get ‘em!” from the columns of the leading newspapers, and on Saturday the Gazans got what Israelis have long been wishing them. This was no spontaneous operation, no mere response to the recent firing of rockets on the towns of the Negev. In the preceding half year of calm, while warning that Hamas was arming itself, Israel carefully planned the attack to extract the highest possible price.

Officially, the campaign was intended to return that calm to the area under conditions more favorable to Israel. But the aims go farther. Israel is trying to bring Hamas back to the negotiating table with Egypt on terms that will be good for the Palestinian Authority (PA) and its president, Abu Mazen. Hamas failed to use the six-months calm “constructively” by reaching a deal with Abu Mazen, and now it is paying the price. Israel wants it to end armed resistance, recognize the legitimacy of the Oslo Accords, and accept the terms of the Quartet. In other words, Hamas is supposed to yield its control over Gaza and blend into the PA as a minor partner.

The countdown started in November when, rejecting an Egyptian proposal, Hamas failed to attend a meeting with the PA in Cairo. For Israel’s Gaza campaign is no solo performance. The step was coordinated with Jordan and Egypt—and won Abu Mazen’s blessing too. The Muslim Brotherhood, to which Hamas belongs, constitutes the main opposition to the Egyptian, Jordanian and Palestinian regimes. We have here the same Arab-Israeli axis that went against Hezbollah in Lebanon two years ago. Again it has total support from the White House. This time too, Israel serves as the executive agent, whose task is to reduce the common enemy.

Hamas, for its part, has made all possible mistakes. The first was its takeover of Gaza in June 2007, which caused the Israeli blockade to harden, harming civilians. The latest mistake was its resumption of armed struggle against Israel.

Hamas wants its rule over Gaza to be acknowledged, so that it can then compete with the PA for the West Bank. It has played a double game. On the one hand, it took part in the democratic process of the PA elections three years ago—even coming out victorious. On the other hand, the PA and its elections were a creation of the Oslo Agreement, which Hamas refuses to recognize.

Khaled Mashal, leader of the movement, has not contented himself with opening fronts against the PA and Israel. He has also provoked the Egyptian regime, not only by rejecting its proposals, but also by demanding that it open the Rafah Border, an act that would violate Egypt’s international commitments. At the grassroots level, Hamas has joined the Muslim Brotherhood in a campaign of incitement against Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

For all these reasons, Gaza today stands alone against Israeli military might. From his refuge in Damascus, Mashal calls for a third Intifada, although the Palestinians have not yet recovered from the second. While Hamas lusts for power, ordinary Palestinians are tired, confused, and above all frustrated. On one side they have Abu Mazen, who is ready to swallow all the frogs Israel puts on his plate. On the other side they have Hamas, caught in the conception that its regime is God’s will, even at the cost of Heaven Now.

Within three minutes of starting its operation, Israel had killed or wounded hundreds. It is not difficult to imagine what will happen after three weeks of this. The purpose is to introduce Hamas to earthly reality—and, if possible, to restore the respect that Israel lost in Lebanon two years ago. In this regard, we may define Molten Lead as a repair operation for the second Lebanon War, in accordance with the recommendations of the Winograd Commission that investigated the debacle.

But what is Israel’s real situation? Is it as strong as it is trying to appear by spilling blood in Gaza? What effect will the pictures of torn bodies, scattered in the yard of the Police Academy, ultimately have on Israelis? Or the piercing shrieks of the mothers? Most Israelis want to reach some form of normality and become a society that, in the words of Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, “it’s fun to live in.” Where is the “fun” in such massacres, recycled for 60 years?

During the last 40 of those years, Israel has systematically trampled another people, refusing to end the Occupation. The Palestinians have lost all rights. Their life proceeds amid settler pogroms, military roadblocks, closures, separation walls, and grueling poverty. Olmert has said (but only after it was clear he was on the way out) that there won’t be any choice for Israel but to withdraw from all the Occupied Territories, including East Jerusalem. If that is really his position, he has wasted his term in empty talk. In action, Israel’s position is the opposite. It does not withdraw, it does not dismantle even the outposts it calls illegal, most of the settlers remain in their homes, the army continues to control the borders, and Gaza continues to sink in despair.

Molten Lead has no political justification. Even if Hamas does return to the negotiating table, Israel will have nothing to offer. For it remains as unwilling as ever to pay the price of peace—that is, to end the Occupation. Because it has not paid, the rockets fall on Sderot and other Negev towns. Israel then uses the rockets as an excuse for continuing not to pay. Another excuse is the “no partner” mantra. When Israel says it is ready for a Palestinian state, it does not mean in all the Occupied Territories—its talk of a state, therefore, is wool over the eyes. Israel’s unwillingness to pay is the source of Hamas’s strength. The movement rests on three pillars: poverty, the weakness of the PA, and the lack of a diplomatic prospect.

It is Israel that plunged Gaza into its present condition. The disengagement of 2005 was unilateral, refusing any role to the PA and leaving the field open for the Hamas takeover. The responsibility for what is now occurring in Gaza rests, therefore, almost exclusively on Israel. Perhaps Molten Lead will end, indeed, in an “improved” cease-fire. Perhaps we shall soon see the Hamas leadership in Cairo again. But a renewal of calm will result in no solution. What solution can there be as long as the Territories continue to sink in corruption, poverty and despair? How long will it take until a new calm gives way to another massacre?

And how long can Israeli society go on living as an Occupier? How long until the country’s internal social gaps, together with the ever worsening conflict, land a blow many times worse than rockets from Gaza? The basic problem isn’t Hamas. It is the nationalist consensus of Israel’s political parties, which have prodded the present transitional government to carry out this massacre, whose only real purpose is to continue putting off the price of peace.

Bobby Seale to speak at MSU!!

*PLEASE FORWARD WIDELY!*
The W.E.B. Du Bois Society and the Young Democratic Socialists Present
Co-founder and former Chairman of the Black Panther Party for Self Defense
Bobby Seale

Thursday, January 15th, 2009

Join us for an inspiring lecture given by a historic icon and legend within the Civil Rights and Black Liberation Movements:

"The State of Black Politics in the 21st Century"

Lecture begins at 5pm in the Kellogg Hotel and Conference Center Auditorium, followed promptly by a Q&A Session.

Doors open at 4:45pm

For more information, please e-mail

msuduboissociety@gmail.com or

msuyds@gmail.com.

Also, see attached flier.

We would like to thank all

of our sponsors for their support:

The Office of Inclusion and Intercultural Initiatives James Madison College The Office of the Vice President for Student Affairs and Services The Residential College of Arts and Humanities The Multicultural Business Program The African American and African Studies Program Case Hall Government Lyman Briggs College

Sunday, December 28, 2008

Free Gaza!

Gaza today: 'This is only the beginning'
By Ewa Jasiewicz

As I write this, Israeli jets are bombing the areas of Zeitoun and Rimal
in central Gaza City. The family I am staying with has moved into the
internal corridor of their home to shelter from the bombing. The windows
nearly blew out just five minutes ago as a massive explosion rocked the
house. Apache's are hovering above us, whilst F16s sear overhead.

UN radio reports say one blast was a target close to the main gate of Al
Shifa hospital ? Gaza and Palestine's largest medical facility. Another
was a plastics factory. More bombs continue to pound the Strip.

Sirens are wailing on the streets outside. Regular power cuts that plunge
the city into blackness every night and tonight is no exception. Only
perhaps tonight it is the darkest night people have seen here in their
lifetimes.

Over 220 people have been killed and over 400 injured through attacks that
shocked the strip in the space 15 minutes. Hospitals are overloaded and
unable to cope. These attacks come on top of existing conditions of
humanitarian crisis: a lack of medicines, bread, flour, gas, electricity,
fuel and freedom of movement.

Doctors at Shifaa had to scramble together 10 make shift operating
theatres to deal with the wounded. The hospital's maternity ward had to
transform their operating room into an emergency theatre. Shifaa only had
12 beds in their intensive care unit, they had to make space for 27 today.

There is a shortage of medicine ? over 105 key items are not in stock, and
blood and spare generator parts are desperately needed.

Shifaa's main generator is the life support machine of the entire
hospital. It's the apparatus keeping the ventilators and monitors and
lights turned on that keep people inside alive. And it doesn't have the
spare parts it needs, despite the International Committee for the Red
Cross urging Israel to allow it to transport them through Erez checkpoint.

Shifaa's Head of Casualty, Dr Maowiye Abu Hassanyeh explained, 'We had
over 300 injured in over 30 minutes. There were people on the floor of the
operating theatre, in the reception area, in the corridors; we were
sending patients to other hospitals. Not even the most advanced hospital
in the world could cope with this number of casualties in such a short
space of time.'

And as IOF Chief of Staff Lieutenant-General Gabi Ashkenaz said this
morning, 'This is only the beginning.'

But this isn't the beginning, this is an ongoing policy of collective
punishment and killing with impunity practised by Israel for decades. It
has seen its most intensified level today. But the weight of dread,
revenge and isolation hangs thick over Gaza today. People are all asking:
If this is only the beginning, what will the end look like?

11.30am
Myself and Alberto Acre, a Spanish journalist, had been on the border
village of Sirej near Khan Younis in the south of the strip. We had driven
there at 8am with the mobile clinic of the Union of Palestinian Relief
Committees. The clinic regularly visits exposed, frequently raided
villages far from medical facilities. We had been interviewing residents
about conditions on the border. Stories of olive groves and orange groves,
family farmland, bulldozed to make way for a clear line of sight for
Israeli occupation force watch towers and border guards. Israeli attacks
were frequent. Indiscriminate fire and shelling spraying homes and land on
the front line of the south eastern border. One elderly farmer showed us
the grave-size ditch he had dug to climb into when Israeli soldiers would
shoot into his fields.

Alberto was interviewing a family that had survived an Israeli missile
attack on their home last month. It had been a response to rocket fire
from resistance fighters nearby. Four fighters were killed in a field by
the border. Israel had rained rockets and M16 fire back. The family,
caught in the crossfire, have never returned to their home.

I was waiting for Alberto to return when ground shaking thuds tilted us
off our feet. This was the sound of surface to air fired missiles and F16
bombs slamming into the police stations, and army bases of the Hamas
authority here. In Gaza City , in Diere Balah, Rafah, Khan Younis, Beit
Hanoon.

We zoomed out of the village in our ambulance, and onto the main road to
Gaza City , before jumping out to film the smouldering remains of a police
station in Diere Balah, near Khan Younis. Its' name - meaning 'place of
dates' - sounds like the easy semi-slang way of saying 'take care', Diere
Bala, Diere Balak ? take care.

Eyewitnesses said two Israeli missiles had destroyed the station. One had
soared through a children's playground and a busy fruit and vegetable
market before impacting on its target.

Civilians Dead
There was blood on a broken plastic yellow slide, and a crippled, dead
donkey with an upturned vegetable cart beside it. Aubergines and
splattered blood covered the ground. A man began to explain in broken
English what had happened. 'It was full here, full, three people dead,
many many injured'. An elderly man with a white kuffiyeh around his head
threw his hands down to his blood drenched trousers. 'Look! Look at this!
Shame on all governments, shame on Israel, look how they kills us, they
are killing us and what does the world do? Where is the world, where are
they, we are being killed here, hell upon them!' He was a market trader,
present during the attack.

He began to pick up splattered tomatoes he had lost from his cart, picking
them up jerkily, and putting them into plastic bags, quickly. Behind a
small tile and brick building, a man was sitting against the wall, his
legs were bloodied. He couldn't get up and was sitting, visibly in pain
and shock, trying to adjust himself, to orientate himself.

The police station itself was a wreck, a mess of criss-crossed piles of
concrete ? broken floors upon floors. Smashed cars and a split palm tree
split the road.

We walked on, hurriedly, with everyone else, eyes skyward at four apache
helicopters ? their trigger mechanisms supplied by the UK 's
Brighton-Based EDM Technologies. They were dropping smoky bright flares ?
a defence against any attempt at Palestinian missile retaliation.

Turning down the road leading to the Diere Balah Civil Defence Force
headquarters we suddenly saw a rush of people streaming across the road.
'They've been bombing twice, they've been bombing twice' shouted people.

We ran too, but towards the crowds and away from what could possibly be
target number two, 'a ministry building' our friend shouted to us. The
apaches rumbled above.

Arriving at the police station we saw the remains of a life at work
smashed short. A prayer matt clotted with dust, a policeman's hat, the
ubiquitous bright flower patterned mattresses, burst open. A crater around
20 feet in diameter was filled with pulverised walls and floors and a
motorbike, tossed on its' side, toy-like in its' depths.

Policemen were frantically trying to get a fellow worker out from under
the rubble. Everyone was trying to call him on his Jawwal. 'Stop it
everyone, just one, one of you ring' shouted a man who looked like a
captain. A fire licked the underside of an ex-room now crushed to just 3
feet high. Hands alongside hands rapidly grasped and threw back rocks,
blocks and debris to reach the man.

We made our way to the Al Aqsa Hospital. Trucks and cars loaded with the
men of entire families ? uncles, nephews, brothers ? piled high and
speeding to the hospital to check on loved ones, horns blaring without
interruption.

Hospitals on the brink
Entering Al Aqsa was overwhelming, pure pandemonium, charged with grief,
horror, distress, and shock. Limp blood covered and burnt bodies streamed
by us on rickety stretchers. Before the morgue was a scrum, tens of
shouting relatives crammed up to its open double doors. 'They could not
even identify who was who, whether it is their brother or cousin or who,
because they are so burned' explained our friend. Many were transferred,
in ambulances and the back of trucks and cars to Al Shifa Hospital.

The injured couldn't speak. Causality after casualty sat propped against
the outside walls outside, being comforted by relatives, wounds
temporarily dressed. Inside was perpetual motion and the more drastically
injured. Relatives jostled with doctors to bring in their injured in
scuffed blankets. Drips, blood streaming faces, scorched hair and shrapnel
cuts to hands, chests, legs, arms and heads dominated the reception area,
wards and operating theatres.

We saw a bearded man, on a stretcher on the floor of an intensive care
unit, shaking and shaking, involuntarily, legs rigid and thrusting
downwards. A spasm coherent with a spinal chord injury. Would he ever walk
again or talk again? In another unit, a baby girl, no older than six
months, had shrapnel wounds to her face. A relative lifted a blanket to
show us her fragile bandaged leg. Her eyes were saucer-wide and she was
making stilted, repetitive, squeaking sounds.

A first estimate at Al Aqsa hospital was 40 dead and 120 injured. The
hospital was dealing with casualties from the bombed market, playground,
Civil Defence Force station, civil police station and also the traffic
police station. All leveled. A working day blasted flat with terrifying
force.

At least two shaheed (martyrs) were carried out on stretchers out of the
hospital. Lifted up by crowds of grief-stricken men to the graveyard to
cries of 'La Illaha Illa Allah,' there is not god but Allah.

Who cares?
And according to many people here, there is nothing and nobody looking out
for them apart from God. Back in Shifa Hospital tonight, we meet the
brother of a security guard who had had the doorway he had been sitting in
and the building ? Abu Mazen's old HQ - fall down upon his head. He said
to us, 'We don't have anyone but God. We feel alone. Where is the world?
Where is the action to stop these attacks?'

Majid Salim, stood beside his comatosed mother, Fatima. Earlier today she
had been sitting at her desk at work ? at the Hadije Arafat Charity, near
Meshtal, the Headquarters of the Security forces in Gaza City. Israel's
attack had left her with multiple internal and head injuries, tube down
her throat and a ventilator keeping her alive. Majid gestured to her, 'We
didn't attack Israel, my mother didn't fire rockets at Israel. This is the
biggest terrorism, to have our mother bombarded at work'.

The groups of men lining the corridors of the over-stretched Shifaa
hospital are by turns stunned, agitated, patient and lost. We speak to one
group. Their brother had both arms broken and has serious facial and head
injuries. 'We couldn't recognise his face, it was so black from the
weapons used' one explains. Another man turns to me and says. 'I am a
teacher. I teach human rights ? this is a course we have, 'human rights'.
He pauses. 'How can I teach, my son, my children, about the meaning of
human rights under these conditions, under this siege?'

It's true, UNRWA and local government schools have developed a Human
Rights syllabus, teaching children about international law, the Geneva
Conventions, the International Declaration on Human Rights, The Hague
Regulations. To try to develop a culture of human rights here, to help
generate more self confidence and security and more of a sense of dignity
for the children. But the contradiction between what should be adhered to
as a common code of conducted signed up to by most states, and the
realities on the ground is stark. International law is not being applied
or enforced with respect to Israeli policies towards the Gaza Strip, or on
'48 Palestine, the West Bank, or the millions of refugees living in camps
in Lebanon, Jordan and Syria.

How can a new consciousness and practice of human rights ever graduate
from rhetoric to reality when everything points to the contrary ? both
here and in Israel ? The United Nations have been spurned and shut out by
Israel , with Richard Falk the UN's Special Rapporteur on Human Rights
held prisoner at Ben Gurion Airport before being unceremoniously deported
this month ? deliberately blinded to the abuses being carried out against
Gaza by Israel . An international community which speaks empty phrases on
Israeli attacks 'we urge restraint?minimise civilian casualties'.

The Gaza Strip is one of the most densely populated regions on the planet.
In Jabbaliya camp alone, Gaza 's largest, 125,000 people are crowded into
a space 2km square. Bombardment by F16s and Apaches at 11.30 in the
morning, as children leave their schools for home reveals a contempt for
civilian safety as does the 18 months of a siege that bans all imports and
exports, and has resulted in the deaths of over 270 people as a result of
a lack of access to essential medicines.

A light
There is a saying here in Gaza ? we spoke about it, jokily last night. 'At
the end of the tunnel?there is another tunnel'. Not so funny when you
consider that Gaza is being kept alive through the smuggling of food, fuel
and medicine through an exploitative industry of over 1000 tunnels running
from Egypt to Rafah in the South. On average 1-2 people die every week in
the tunnels. Some embark on a humiliating crawl to get their education,
see their families, to find work, on their hands and knees. Others are
reportedly big enough to drive through.

Last night I added a new ending to the saying. 'At the end of the tunnel,
there is another tunnel and then a power cut'. Today, there's nothing to
make a joke about. As bombs continue to blast buildings around us, jarring
the children in this house from their fitful sleep, the saying could take
on another twist. After today's killing of over 200, is it that at the end
of the tunnel, there is another tunnel, and then a grave?', or a wall of
international governmental complicity and silence?

There is a light through, beyond the sparks of resistance and solidarity
in the West Bank, '48 and the broader Middle East. This is a light of
conscience turned into activism by people all over the world. We can turn
a spotlight onto Israel's crimes against humanity and the enduring
injustice here in Palestine, through coming out onto the streets and
pressurizing our governments; demanding an end to Israeli apartheid and
occupation, broadening our call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions, and
for a genuine Just Peace.

Through institutional, governmental and popular means, this can be a light
at the end of the Gazan tunnel.
-----

Ewa Jasiewicz is an experienced journalist, community and union organizer,
and solidarity worker. She is currently Gaza Project Co-coordinator for
the Free Gaza Movement.

http://www.FreeGaza.org

Monday, December 22, 2008

Why the "white girl" joined "the Black struggle."

Last week I wrote about a certain transformation of mine--one of racial transcendence and of forming bonds of solidarity with African-African Americans. I told you how I overcame my fears about personally interacting with Black people and how I was able to build strong relationships with people I would have otherwise avoided, simply because they were “different” from myself. But what I failed to tell you was why I was moved to do it. Why was it so important for me to learn more about Black culture, or to truly understand the consequences of Black history in the United States? What motivated me from just knowing about the history of racial struggle in this country, to actively doing something about achieving racial justice in the present by joining Black organizations on campus? What moved me to study African American and African studies in school or decide to devote my life to working toward equalizing educational opportunity for children of color across the Diaspora? In a world where many would argue racism no longer exists, I can’t help but point to the overwhelming amount of racism that still exists. Though outward and obvious forms of racism such as slavery or segregation are no longer allowed, a new kind of racial exploitation has taken its place. Now it is through racist institutions and structures such as laws, public bodies, corporations, and universities that perpetuate racial disparities. The fact of the matter is my dedication to the Black liberation struggle is not one that is seen among the majority of white people in this country. I hope that by sharing my reasons and the stories of two other brave white women, Viola Liuzzo and Silvia Baraldini, I will be able to convince others to see the truth as I did, and to be moved away from the status quo and toward action against injustice.

In March of 1965, a group of peaceful protestors in Selma, Alabama were attacked by state troopers as they Marched toward Montgomery. A few days later another group of protestors, led by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., won a court order allowing for another march from Selma to Montgomery directing the state to protect the marchers. The Governor at that time, a well known racist, told the White House that the state couldn’t afford to pay for the mobilization of the National Guard, so President Johnson sent in 1,900 of Alabama’s National Guard, 2,000 regular army soldiers, and 200 FBI agents and US marshals to protect the march. Viola Liuzzo, a 39 year old housewife from Detroit watched the second march move toward the Alabama capital. Liuzzo had watched the disaster of the first march on TV and decided she needed to do something to aid the Civil Rights marchers. Against the wishes of her husband and five children, Liuzzo drove alone from Michigan to Alabama in her family’s car to assist where she could.

Earlier in the week before the second march, Liuzzo had spent most of her time working at the hospitality desk in Brown Chapel at Selma and used her car to take people back and forth to Montgomery’s airport. The last day of the march to Montgomery, she worked at the first aid station, aiding those who had fainted from heat or exertion during the march. She then watched Dr. King deliver his "How long will it take? ... Not long, because mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord” speech. When the march ended, there were thousands of people from across the country who had come to participate in the marche, just like Liuzzo, that needed to get out of the city. She loaded her car with passengers, mostly black, and headed back toward Selma. When the passengers were dropped off, Liuzzo and Leroy Moton, a black teenager, headed back to Mongomery to pick up more people. After being harassed several times before leaving Selma, they stopped at a traffic light. Soon another car pulled up beside them. When the lights changed, the car began to speed up and chased Liuzzo. The chase went on for almost 20 miles as she tried to outrun her pursuers. All the while she was singing “We Shall Overcome” at the top of her lungs. Soon the other car closed in—a car full of Klansmen. One of the men fired twice into Liuzzo’s car, killing her.

An all white jury in Alabama acquitted the three Klansmen for the murder of Liuzzo. Since they could not be charged with murder in federal courts, they were tried under another law with conspiring to deprive her of her civil rights. They were found guilty, and served only 10 years in prison. The punishment given to these men was hardly appropriate for such a heinous act of injustice.

Another great woman, Silvia Baraldini, gave up her white privilege to aid in the struggle for people of color. At 14, she moved to the United States from Italy with her parents. Later on in life she attended the University of Wisconsin-Madison, where she became a political activist. She became active in both the Black Power and Puerto Rican independence movements in the US between the 1960s and 80s.

In 1982 Baraldini was sentenced to 43 years in prison for conspiring to commit two armed robberies, driving a getaway car during the prison break of convicted murderer and fellow political activist Assata Shakur, who was wrongly accused of shooting and killing a New Jersey State Trooper, and for contempt of court for refusing to testify before a Grand Jury that was investigating the activities of the Puerto Rican independence movement.

Soon after her conviction, a campaign for her release began in Italy, mainly among leftist parties and movements. Her supporters claimed that the harshness of her punishment was due to her political beliefs and for her participation in the Black Liberation Army. Her punishment was seen as unfair and disproportionate to her “crimes.” Had she been convicted for the same crimes in Italy, her sentence would have only been a maximum of 25 years in prison.

After serving time in several maximum-security prisons, and after repeated petitions by the Italian government for her transfer, Baraldini was transferred to Italy to serve the remainder of her sentence. According to the terms of the agreement, she was supposed to stay in prison until 2008, but was released on house arrest in 2001. In 2006, she was released from detention in September of 2006 by a general pardon approved by the Italian Parliament.

Both of these women recognized the injustice that their brothers and sisters of color were facing in the United States. Both knew that despite what anyone else told them, they were doing the right thing by stepping up and taking on the burden of joining the struggle to end racism against people of color. They realized that the Black struggle is what American socialists and communists recognized earlier in US history: the struggle for true democracy. They struggled for a kind of democracy where racism, class division, and feelings of fear and hatred toward people “different” from the social norm were abolished. Viola Liuzzo and Silvia Baraldini were willing to give up the privilege that so many white women cherish and achieve freedom for all human beings at any price, including their lives. They believed, as I believe, that everyone on this earth deserves the right for equal opportunity. Seeing that such equality was being denied to people of color through racist institutions and structures, seeing the contradictions within our own government, we must be willing to face scrutiny and disapproval from the loved ones in our lives as well as expulsion and punishment from the society around us in order to do what’s right. In the face of great suffering, where do you stand? Are you willing to watch your brothers and sisters get beat down in the street, are you ready to watch democracy burn, or are you ready to take a stand and do something to change it?

Saturday, December 13, 2008

CHICAGO WORKERS TO REST OF COUNTRY: "DON'T LET IT DIE!"

CHICAGO WORKERS TO REST OF COUNTRY: "DON'T LET IT DIE!"
By David Bacon
New America Media, 12/11/08
http://news.newamericamedia.org/news/view_article.html?article_id=a3d3cc49a93f6bfac1b3f22114371524

When the day finally comes that Raul Flores loses his job, he
will face a bitter search for another one. "I've got a family to
support, so I've got to do whatever it takes," he says. "It's going
to be hard. The economic situation is not good, but I can't just
wait for something to happen to me."
That puts Flores in the same boat as millions of other U.S.
workers. Last month alone 533,000 workers lost their jobs, the
highest figure in 34 years. A week ago, the heads of the big three
auto companies were in Washington DC, pleading for loans to keep
their companies afloat. As a price, lawmakers and pundits told them
they had to become "leaner and meaner," and in response, General
Motors announced it would close nine plants and put tens of thousands
of workers in the street. Ford and Chrysler described a similar
job-elimination strategy.
What makes Flores special? He didn't just accept the
elimination of his job. Instead, he sat in at the Chicago plant
where he worked for six days, together with 240 other union members
at Republic Windows and Doors.
Republic workers were not demanding the reopening of their
closed factory. They've been fighting for severance and benefits to
help them survive the unemployment they know awaits them. Yet their
occupation can't help but raise deeper questions about the right of
workers to their jobs. Can a return to the militant tactics of
direct action, that produced the greatest gains in union membership,
wages and job security in U.S. history, overturn "the inescapable
logic of the marketplace"? Can employers, and the banks that hold
their credit lines, be forced to keep plants open?
Unlike the auto giants, Republic was not threatening
bankruptcy. It makes a "green product," Energy-Star compliant doors
and windows that should be one of the bedrock industries for a new,
more environmentally sustainable economy. But Bank of America, as it
was receiving $25 billion in Federal bailout funds, pulled the
company's credit line. Perhaps that alone led President-elect Obama
to support the workers. The bank-enforced closure undermines his
program for using environmentally sustainable jobs to replace those
eliminated in the spiraling recession. He called Republic workers
"absolutely right. What's happening to them is reflective of what's
happening across this economy."
Federal law requires companies to give employees 60 days
notice of a plant closure, or pay them 60 days severance pay, to give
them breathing room to find other jobs. Republic workers got three
days, and no money. "They knew they'd be out on the street
penniless," says Leah Fried, organizer for Local 1110 of the United
Electrical Workers. "When the negotiating committee came back to the
factory to report that the company didn't even show up to talk with
them, the workers were so enraged they voted unanimously not to leave
until they got their severance and vacation pay."
While the workers' acted to gain their legally-mandated
rights, the plant occupation resurrects a tactic with a radical
history. In 1934, auto workers occupied the huge Fisher Body plants
in Flint, Michigan, and when the battle was over, the United Auto
Workers was born. Sitdown strikes spread across the country like
wildfire. Occupying production lines in plant after plant, workers
won unions, better wages, and real changes in their lives.
Seventy years later, the workers who have inherited that
legacy of unionization and security are on the brink of losing
everything. Just since 2006 the United Auto Workers has lost 119,000
members. The threat of plant closure has been used to cut the wages
of new hires in half, to $14.50, the same wage paid on the window
lines at Republic, where the union is only four years old.
Flores certainly hopes that those whose livelihoods are in
peril will rediscover the tactic. "This is the start of something,"
he urges. "Don't let it die. Learn something from it." And the
sitdown was successful. After six days sitting-in, and a rally of
1000 people in front of the bank, JP Morgan, another beneficiary of
Federal assistance that owns 40% of Republic, put up $400,000, and
Bank of America another $1.35 million. That was enough to pay the
legally-mandated severance, the workers' accrued vacation, and two
months of health care. Flores and his coworkers then voted to end
the occupation.
Fran Tobin, midwest organizer for Jobs with Justice, a
coalition of labor and community groups with chapters around the
country, shares Flores' optimism. "I think this is not the last time
we're going to see American workers occupying American plants, as
part of a move to save jobs and turn things around," he says.
Organizers for Jobs with Justice are fanning out with a program they
call a "Peoples' Bailout." "We need to ask, 'What kind of an economy
and recovery do we want?'" Tobin emphasizes. He lists funds for a
jobs program, rather than huge loans to banks, a moratorium on home
foreclosures, investment in infrastructure repair, and helping local
and state governments (and public worker) survive the crisis without
massive budget cuts.
Flores, Tobin and Fried all agree that none of those demands
can be won without unions and workers willing to fight for them.
That makes the Republic plant occupation more than just a local
confrontation. "This might not be the right tactic in every
situation, but people know we need to be fighting back," Fried says.
Will the unions in auto plants and other workplaces hit by
layoffs take up the challenge of the Republic workers? To Flores,
they have to do something more than just watch the elimination of
their jobs. "We've got to fight for our rights," he emphasizes.
"It's not fair that they just kick us out on the street with nothing.
Somebody has to respond."

Friday, December 12, 2008

Republic sit-in ends, workers declare victory!

rom: PWW
Author: John Bachtell

People's Weekly World Newspaper, 12/11/08 11:44



CHICAGO — Workers occupying Republic Windows and Doors declared victory after they unanimously voted to approve a settlement reached after three days of negotiations with the company and Bank of American, its chief creditor.

“The occupation is over,” said Armando Robles, United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers Local (UE) 1110 president. “We have achieved victory. We said we will not go until we got justice and we have it.” UE represents the 250 production workers at the plant.

The settlement totals $1.75 million and provides workers with eight weeks of pay, two months of continued health coverage and accrued and unused vacation pay. Money from Bank of America and JPMorgan Chase, which owns 40% of the company, will be placed in a separate fund to administer the payments.

"This is about more than just money, said UE Western Region President Carl Rosen. "It's about what can be achieved when workers organize and stand up for justice."

The workers weren’t able to save the plant, which will close. However, UE Director of Organization Bob Kingsley announced the creation of a new foundation dedicated to reopening the plant starting with seed money from the UE national union and the thousands of dollars of donations to UE Local 1110's Solidarity Fund that have come in from across the country and around the world. The fund will be called the “Window of Opportunity Fund.”

The occupation started Dec. 5 when it was shut down after the company’s main financier, Bank of America, refused to extend a line of credit. The occupation became a symbol of workers across the country struggling with the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression and what’s seen as a failure of the federal bailout of banks and financial institutions. The day the occupation started, the U.S. Labor Department said 533,000 more jobs were lost in November.

The action created a storm of outrage because Bank of America recently received a $25 billion bailout package from the federal government, but decided it wouldn’t go to keep manufacturing operations running. When the company skipped a Dec. 5 meeting with the United Electrical Workers’ union (UE) and Bank of America, the workers unanimously voted to stage a sit-in.

“These workers are to this struggle perhaps what Rosa Parks was to social justice 50 years ago,” the Rev. Jesse Jackson said. “This, in many ways, is the beginning of a larger movement for mass action to resist economic violence.”

The action against some of the most powerful economic forces in the nation generated worldwide solidarity and support including from President-elect Barack Obama, who called the workers’ demands “absolutely right.” Food, money and solidarity messages poured in and area unions, religious and community activists demonstrated daily with the workers.

Many solidarity actions were part of the Jobs with Justice Coalition People’s Bailout Now Week of Actions Dec. 7-13. A group of religious leaders in town for a meeting of Interfaith Workers Justice rallied at the plant Dec. 9.

“We’re here to stand with these workers to support them in their struggle for justice,” Rev. Nelson Johnson told the World. Johnson is co-president and board member of Interfaith Worker Justice and vice-president of the Pulpit Forum in Greensboro, N.C.

“People need to work and this is no time for the banks or the company to betray the interests of the American people who made this [bailout] money available for moments precisely like this one that should directly benefit the workers here,” said Johnson.

The company, maker of vinyl windows for the home construction market, had employed 300 workers at the factory, including 250 unionized production workers, for 45 years. The firm started as a family operation but now the Wall Street behemoths Bank of America and JPMorgan Chase, the nation’s largest bank, have controlling interest in the company.

Republic closed the factory with three days notice when Bank of America refused it a $5 million line of credit. As chief investor, BA has effectively controlled the company’s finances. The abrupt closure clearly violated the federal WARN Act, requiring employers to give 60 days notice of a mass layoff (Illinois state law mandates 75 days) or pay the workers and continue their health benefits for that time.

City, county and state officials called for breaking ties with Bank of America if they don’t release funds so the workers could receive what they were owed. They also called for an investigation into what Bank of America is doing with the bailout funds, perhaps investing in overseas operations but not in the United States.

“The government gave $25 billion to BA. They are supposed to work with businesses to keep them open, not shut them down,” Lalo Munoz, 54, told the World. Munoz, a machine operator, had worked at the plant for 34 years.

Others see the banks and corporations as taking advantage of the financial and economic crisis to break unions, shed worker benefits and pensions. UE spokespersons say Republic, which received millions of dollars in city subsidies, bought a similar plant in Iowa. Speculation is production will be restarted in the non-union Iowa plant. The role of the banks in this decision is not known.

“The workers want Bank of America to keep the plant open and the workers employed,” said UE's Rosen. “There is always a demand for windows and doors. But with Barack Obama’s stimulus proposal, there will be even greater demand for the products made by Republic’s workers. It doesn’t make sense to close this plant when the need is so obvious."

jbachtell @ cpusa.org

Socialism's Comeback

Socialism's Comeback
By Neil Clark
New Statesman (UK)
December 2008
http://www.newstatesman.com/europe/2008/12/socialist-party-socialism


At the beginning of the century, the chances of
socialism making a return looked close to zero. Yet
now, all around Europe, the red flag is flying again
"If socialism signifies a political and economic system
in which the government controls a large part of the
economy and redistributes wealth to produce social
equality, then I think it is safe to say the likelihood
of its making a comeback any time in the next
generation is close to zero," wrote Francis Fukuyama,
author of The End of History, in Time magazine in 2000.
He should take a trip around Europe today.

Make no mistake, socialism - pure, unadulterated
socialism, an ideology that was taken for dead by
liberal capitalists - is making a strong comeback.
Across the continent, there is a definite trend in
which long-established parties of the centre left that
bought in to globalisation and neoliberalism are seeing
their electoral dominance challenged by unequivocally
socialist parties which have not.

The parties in question offer policies which mark a
clean break from the Thatcherist agenda that many of
Europe's centre-left parties have embraced over the
past 20 years. They advocate renationalisation of
privatised state enterprises and a halt to further
liberalisation of the public sector. They call for new
wealth taxes to be imposed and for a radical
redistribution of wealth. They defend the welfare state
and the rights of all citizens to a decent pension and
free health care. They strongly oppose war - and any
further expansion of Nato.

Most fundamentally of all, they challenge an economic
system in which the interests of ordinary working
people are subordinated to those of capital.
Nowhere is this new leftward trend more apparent than
in Germany, home to the meteoric rise of Die Linke
("The Left"), a political grouping formed only 18
months ago - and co-led by the veteran socialist "Red"
Oskar Lafontaine, a long-standing scourge of big
business. The party, already the main opposition to the
Christian Democrats in eastern Germany, has made
significant inroads into the vote for the Social
Democratic Party (SPD) in elections to western
parliaments this year, gaining representation in Lower
Saxony, Hamburg and Hesse. Die Linke's unapologetically
socialist policies, which include the renation
alisation of electricity and gas, the banning of hedge
funds and the introduction of a maximum wage, chime
with a population concerned at the dismantling of
Germany's mixed economic model and the adoption of
Anglo-Saxon capitalism - a shift that occurred while
the SPD was in government.

An opinion poll last year showed that 45 per cent of
west Germans (and 57 per cent of east Germans) consider
socialism "a good idea"; in October, another poll
showed that Germans overwhelmingly favour
nationalisation of large segments of the economy. Two-
thirds of all Germans say they agree with all or some
of Die Linke's programme.

It's a similar story of left-wing revival in
neighbouring Holland. There the Socialist Party of the
Netherlands (SP), which almost trebled its
parliamentary representation in the most recent general
election (2006), and which made huge gains in last
year's provincial elections, continues to make headway.
Led by a charismatic 41-year-old epidemiologist, Agnes
Kant, the SP is on course to surpass the Dutch Labour
Party, a member of the ruling conservative-led
coalition, as the Netherlands' main left-of centre
grouping.

The SP has gained popularity by being the only left-
wing Dutch parliamentary party to campaign for a "No"
vote during the 2005 referendum on the EU
constitutional treaty and for its opposition to large-
scale immigration, which it regards as being part of a
neoliberal package that encourages flexible labour
markets.

The party calls for a society where the values of
"human dignity, equality and solidarity" are most
prominent, and has been scathing in its attacks on what
it describes as "the culture of greed", brought about
by "a capitalism based on inflated bonuses and easy
money". Like Die Linke, the SP campaigns on a staunchly
anti-war platform - demanding an end to Holland's role
as "the US's lapdog".

In Greece, the party on the up is the Coalition of the
Radical Left (SYRIZA), the surprise package in last
year's general election. As public opposition to the
neoliberal econo mic policies of the ruling New
Democracy government builds, SYRIZA's opinion-poll
ratings have risen to almost 20 per cent - putting it
within touching distance of PASOK, the historical left-
of-centre opposition, which has lurched sharply to the
right in recent years. SYRIZA is particularly popular
with young voters: its support among those aged 35 and
under stands at roughly 30 per cent in the polls, ahead
of PASOK.

In Norway, socialists are already in power; the ruling
"red-green" coalition consists of the Socialist Left
Party, the Labour Party and the Centre Party. Since
coming to power three years ago, the coalition - which
has been labelled the most left-wing government in
Europe, has halted the privatisation of state-owned
companies and made further development of the welfare
state, public health care and improving care for the
elderly its priorities.

The success of such forces shows that there can be an
electoral dividend for left-wing parties if voters see
them responding to the crisis of modern capitalism by
offering boldly socialist solutions. Their success also
demonstrates the benefits to electoral support for
socialist groupings as they put aside their differences
to unite behind a commonly agreed programme.
For example, Die Linke consists of a number of internal
caucuses - or forums - including the "Anti-Capitalist
Left", "Communist Platform" and "Democratic Socialist
Forum". SYRIZA is a coalition of more than ten Greek
political groups. And the Dutch Socialist Party - which
was originally called the Communist Party of the
Netherlands, has successfully brought socialists and
communists together to support its collectivist
programme.

It is worth noting that those European parties of the
centre left which have not fully embraced the
neoliberal agenda are retaining their dominant
position. In Spain, the governing Socialist Workers'
Party has managed to maintain its broad left base and
was re-elected for another four-year term in March,
with Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero
promising a "socialist economic policy" that would
focus on the needs of workers and the poor.

There are exceptions to the European continent's shift
towards socialism. Despite the recent election of
leftist Martine Aubry as leader of the French Socialist
Party, the French left has been torn apart by
divisions, at the very moment when it could be
exploiting the growing unpopularity of the Sarkozy
administration.

And, in Britain, despite opinion being arguably more
to the left on economic issues than at any time since
1945, few are calling for a return to socialism.
The British left, despite promising initiatives such as
September's Convention of the Left in Manchester, which
gathered representatives from several socialist groups,
still remains fragmented and divided. The left's
espousal of unrestricted or loosely controlled
immigration is also, arguably, a major vote loser among
working-class voters who should provide its core
support. No socialist group in Britain has as yet
articulated a critique of mass immigration from an
anti-capitalist and anti-racist viewpoint in the way
the Socialist Party of the Netherlands has.
And even if a Die Linke-style coalition of progressive
forces could be built and put on a formal footing in
time for the next general election, Britain's first-
past-the-post system provides a formidable obstacle to
change.

Nevertheless, the prognosis for socialism in Britain
and the rest of Europe is good. As the recession bites,
and neoliberalism is discredited, the phenomenon of
unequivocally socialist parties with clear, anti-
capitalist, anti-globalist messages gaining ground, and
even replacing "Third Way" parties in Europe, is likely
to continue.

Even in Britain, where the electoral system grants huge
advantage to the established parties, pressure on
Labour to jettison its commitment to neoliberal
policies and to adopt a more socialist agenda is sure
to intensify.

Tuesday, December 9, 2008

Chicago workers shut down plant -- a sign of more to come?

On Saturday a group of 250 unionized workers peacefully shut down the Republic Windows and Doors plant after they were given 3 day’s notice that their factory was closing. They were also told that they would not be getting their severance packages or their vacation pay. With the thought of losing their jobs in an already unforving economy, workers decided to take action and are still protesting at this very moment.

So what started this mess in Chicago? As the workers closed down the plant in shifts, union leaders talked to the press outside and criticized the bailout of the plant that is leaving ordinary laborers behind while the head honchos on top leave with millions. The company claims that it can’t pay its employees because cancelled loans from the Bank of America won’t let them.

The Bank of America received $25 million by the US government in order to give out to corporations in the form of loans. Republic Windows and Doors was one of the many factories that was given tax payer money by the government during the bailouts, and their loans were to come from the Bank of America. When their loan money was cancelled and their monthly sales had almost fallen by half ($2.9 million), CEO Rich Gillman decided to close the doors of the factory. The Bank of America responded that they were not responsible for the factory’s financial obligations to its employees, therefore resolving itself of any guilt. It does seem rather ironic doesn’t it… taxpayer money being handed out to banks and corporations and not being used to better the working conditions for the TAX PAYING workers. Workers and protesters outside the factory realize how badly they had been exploited and carrying signs that say: “You got bailed out, we got sold out.”

Workers along with US Representative Luis Gutierrez (D) arranged for a meeting with company officials on Friday, but were angered when no officials showed up. Another meeting was scheduled for today in the afternoon.

The workers of the Republic factory are finding themselves in the national spotlight, providing hope and encouragement for workers across the country that find themselves without jobs. Many of the workers are surprised to see support coming from Rev. Jesse Jackson who has delivered food for the striking workers, the governor of Illinois, Rod Blagojevich who has urged all corporations in Illinois to not accept loans from the Bank of America, and even Barack Obama who spoke in favor of their strike. “The workers who are asking for the benefits and payments that they have earned, I think they’re absolutely right and understand that what’s happening to them is reflective of what’s happening across this economy,” he said at a news conference on Sunday.

Such action is reminiscent of the workers’ struggles in the 1920s and 30s. It has been compared to the 1936-37 sit down strikes by General Motors factory workers in Flint, MI as a way to unionize the Auto Industry. As the United States finds itself on the brink of another depression, is this a sign of things to come? Will similar protest be seen around the country as the economy continues to get worse?

We can only hope so.

It may be the only hope for the working class people of this nation.

Monday, December 8, 2008

The media myth: Detroit's $70-an-hour autoworker

From: PWW

Author: Eric Boehlert

People's Weekly World Newspaper, 12/05/08 14:47



From Media Matters: http://mediamatters.org/columns/200811250012?f=h_column

It's been one week since New York Times financial columnist Andrew Ross Sorkin wrote that at General Motors, "the average worker was paid about $70 an hour, including health care and pension costs."

The nugget was part of a column in which Sorkin argued that the government should not bail out the ailing Big Three automakers and that they instead should embrace bankruptcy.

Sorkin's point was that labor costs were out of control -- workers enjoyed "gold-plated benefits" -- and that during bankruptcy, the auto companies could address those runaway wages.

As I mentioned, it's been one week since the column appeared, which seems like plenty of time for Sorkin and the Times to correct the misleading $70-an-hour claim. But to date, there's been no clarification from the newspaper of record or from Sorkin himself.

And he isn't alone. Appearing on NPR last week, Times senior business correspondent Micheline Maynard told listeners that the "hourly wage" of Detroit's union autoworkers had been driven up "towards $80 an hour."

Somebody at the Times needs to clarify the record, because the average United Auto Workers member is not paid $80 an hour. Or even $70. Not even close. Yet (thanks to the Times?) the issue has become a central talking point in the unfolding national debate about the future of America's automotive industry.

Indeed, that $70-an-hour meme, actively promoted by the anti-union conservative media, has ricocheted around the traditional press as well as the political landscape, where it was picked up by congressional critics last week during hearings and used to argue against aiding GM, Ford, and Chrysler.

For the record, I'm not from Michigan, and I don't have friends or family members who work in the auto or auto-supply business. And honestly, I think there are compelling arguments on both sides of the question about whether to bail out the U.S. auto industry. So I'm genuinely torn on the issue. But what's obvious to me is that it's harmful to public discourse when the press, on such a central issue facing our country, fails to clearly state the facts and instead perpetuates misinformation with sloppy reporting -- reporting that seems to hold blue-collar workers to a different standard than their white-collar counterparts.

Last week, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) announced that automotive executives should return to Washington in coming weeks to "make their case, to the Congress and the American people," for a federal bailout. And as Times columnist and Nobel Prize winner for economics Paul Krugman wrote recently, "[M]aybe letting the auto companies die is the right decision, even though an auto industry collapse would be a huge blow to an already slumping economy. But it's a decision that should be taken carefully" [emphasis added].

But having the media echo conservative misinformation and bandy about urban-myth salary figures about allegedly high-on-the-hog GM workers does not constitute a careful review of the facts.

Question: Is the press just being sloppy on this issue of supposedly pampered autoworkers, or are there other elements in play? Because honestly, I've had trouble escaping the not-very-subtle elitist, get-a-load-of-this tone that has run through the media's misinformation on the topic; i.e., "These autoworkers get paid that?!"

Answer: No, they don't, so please stop reporting it. (And why has the press been so reticent to note that Big Three autoworkers recently made significant concessions to management?)

And it's funny, because I don't remember hearing much coverage in the press about AIG workers' six- and seven-figure salaries when the U.S. government announced it was bailing out the insurance giant. And I haven't seen or heard a single press reference to the annual salaries pocketed by Citigroup employees, even though the government has moved in quickly to bail the banking giant out of a hole its executives dug.

As Rep. Barney Frank (D-MA) pointed out during congressional hearings last week, "There is apparently a cultural condition that's more ready to accept aid to a white-collar industry than the blue-collar industry, and that has to be confronted."

That cultural condition seems to extend to, and be embraced by, today's white-collar press corps.

Make no mistake: The $70-an-hour claim represents a classic case of conservative misinformation. It's also a very dangerous one. The falsehood about autoworkers is being spread at a crucial time, when a make-or-break public debate is taking place, a debate that could affect millions of American workers.

* "Lavish contracts granted to the United Auto Workers, for instance, put GM on the hook for more than $70 an hour per worker." [New York Post]
* "The United Auto Workers are keen on saving their jobs and the $70-an-hour paychecks that go with them." [National Review]
* "[T]here's no reason that a UAW worker should get total compensation of $70 an hour when the average American only makes about $25 an hour in total compensation." [James Gattuso, from the conservative Heritage Foundation, appearing on MSNBC]
* "Given that we're in tough economic times, it's hard for the average American to muster a lot of sympathy for workers at the Big 3 automakers when all of the companies pay out over $70 per hour in wages, pension and health care benefits." [Right Wing News]
* "The bailout as proposed today is a bailout of the UAW; it's not the auto industry. A Big Three worker in Detroit makes $73 an hour if you include all the benefits." [Conservative columnist Charles Krauthammer, appearing on the syndicated television show Inside Washington]
* "Companies at which union workers make $71 an hour in wages and benefits -- compared to just $47 an hour at Toyota's U.S. plants -- are not going to be saved by a $25 billion government check." [Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, writing at Human Events Online]
* "Big Three union workers, with their gold-plated health care plans, make about $73 an hour in total compensation." [Conservative columnist Amanda Carpenter at Townhall.com]
* "When you're paying $73.73 an hour to those people with salary and benefits and your competition is paying $48 to its workers, you're going to get your butt kicked in the marketplace unfortunately." [Conservative radio host Lars Larson]
* "The average Detroit autoworker makes more than $100K each year." [On-screen Fox News graphic]

Let's note that any suggestion in the press that most UAW workers earn, or are paid, $70 an hour is spectacularly dishonest. Period. (As one Daily Kos diarist pointed out last week, according to the UAW website, the base pay for a worker in a UAW plant is about $28 an hour.)

What that $70 figure (or $73) actually represents is what it costs GM in total labor expenses, on an hourly basis, to manufacture autos.

Do you see that there's a big distinction? General Motors doles out $70 an hour in overall labor costs to manufacture cars. But individual employees don't get paid $70 an hour to make cars. (The discrepancy between costs and wages is explained by additional benefits, pension fees, and health-care costs GM pays out to current and retired employees.)

Simply put, GM's labor costs are not synonymous with hourly wages earned by UAW employees. Many in the press have casually used the two interchangeably. But they're not.

Felix Salmon at Portfolio did perhaps the best job explaining the misinformation at play:

The average GM assembly-line worker makes about $28 per hour in wages, and I can assure you that GM is not paying $42 an hour in health insurance and pension plan contributions. Rather, the $70 per hour figure (or $73 an hour, or whatever) is a ridiculous number obtained by adding up GM's total labor, health, and pension costs, and then dividing by the total number of hours worked. In other words, it includes all the healthcare and retirement costs of retired workers. [emphasis in original]

Indeed, according to this Associated Press report, a chunk of GM's $70-an-hour labor costs goes toward paying current retirees' pensions and health-care coverage. In other words, that's money that's not going to end up in the pocket of any autoworker when he cashes his paycheck this week. That's money GM has to set aside in order to pay off costs associated with workers already in retirement. That money has absolutely nothing to do with calculating the hourly wage of a full-time UAW employee today. None.

So, no, UAW workers don't make $70 an hour even if you factor in benefits, because a portion of those benefits are going to people who retired years ago.

Nonetheless, that formulation (wages+benefits=$70 an hour) has been widespread. That's what Sorkin did in his Times column: "The average worker was paid about $70 an hour, including health care and pension costs."

Not only is that inaccurate, but there's also a problem in terms of perception. It's true that autoworkers don't earn annual salaries and that when calculating hourly wages, the cost of benefits paid directly to the worker can be included. But some media outlets have been so casual and sloppy in presenting the facts that news consumers are left with the false impression that GM workers pocket $70 an hour. That's not true, and it seems some in the press are doing very little to correct that misperception.

For instance, BusinessWeek also used the same convoluted language: "Older UAW members make more than $70 per hour in combined wages and benefits." Dallas Morning News columnist Cheryl Hall did it, too: "GM's average worker makes $78.21 an hour in wages and benefits."

Why does the press use that convoluted equation when calculating how much autoworkers supposedly make?

I have a hunch it's because that $70 an hour is a real eyepopper. It makes a very deep impression within the space of just a few words.

I'm sure everybody understood the $70-an-hour implication in Sorkin's column, especially since he also lamented the "gold-plated benefits" UAW workers enjoyed. (They were "off the charts," he stressed.) And since it's harder to back up a claim of gold-plated benefits by citing the actual hourly wage of UAW workers ($28), Sorkin went with the $70 figure, along with completely nebulous language about "health care and pension costs."

The takeaway from Sorkin's column was quite clear: GM is mismanaged, and its workers are wildly overpaid.

By the way, here's the right way to cover the issue: In a November 18 column, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch's David Nicklaus wrote that the Big Three "need to bring their labor costs, which average $72 an hour, closer to the Honda or Toyota level of about $45." Note how Nicklaus never implied that labors costs equaled take-home wages. Why? Because they don't. (And kudos to Washington Post business columnist Steven Pearlstein, who refuses to use the $70-an-hour figure because it's so misleading.)

How much money GM's workers make is certainly relevant when discussing the unfolding automotive crisis. But the press should stop confusing the issue, and tainting the perceptions of news consumers, by casually suggesting that $70-an-hour labor costs represent what UAW workers pocket every 60 minutes.

That's misleading and dishonest.

And that's why it's still not too late for Sorkin and the Times to correct the record.

Tuesday, December 2, 2008

Chomsky: Is There Truth in Obama's Advertising?

Chomsky: Is There Truth in Obama's Advertising?
By Noam Chomsky, Democracy Now!
Posted on November 28, 2008, Printed on December 2, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/story/108964/

Let's begin with the elections. The word that the rolls off of everyone's tongue is historic. Historic election. And I agree with it. It was a historic election. To have a black family in the white house is a momentous achievement. In fact, it's historic in a broader sense. The two Democratic candidates were an African-American and a woman. Both remarkable achievements. We go back say 40 years, it would have been unthinkable. So something's happened to the country in 40 years. And what's happened to the country -- which is we're not supposed to mention -- is that there was extensive and very constructive activism in the 1960s, which had an aftermath. So the feminist movement, mostly developed in the 70s -- the solidarity movements of the 80's and on till today. And the activism did civilize the country. The country's a lot more civilized than it was 40 years ago and the historic achievements illustrate it. That's also a lesson for what's next.

What's next will depend on whether the same thing happens. Changes and progress very rarely are gifts from above. They come out of struggles from below. And the answer to what's next depends on people like you. Nobody else can answer it. It's not predictable. In some ways, the election -- the election was surprising in some respects.

Going back to my bad prediction, If the financial crisis hadn't taken place at the moment that it did, if it had been delayed a couple of months, I suspect that prediction would have been correct. But not speculating, one thing surprising about the election was that it wasn't a landslide. By the usual criteria, you would expect the opposition party to win in a landslide under conditions like the ones that exist today. The incumbent president for eight years was so unpopular that his own party couldn't mention his name and had to pretend to be opposing his policies. He presided over the worst record for ordinary people in post-war history, in terms of job growth, real wealth and so on. Just about everything the administration was touched just turned into a disaster. [The] country has reached the lowest level of standing in the world that it's ever had. The economy was tanking. Several recessions are going on. Not just the ones on the front pages, the financial recession. There's also a recession in the real economy. The productive economy, under circumstances and people know it. So 80% of the population say that the country's going in the wrong direction. About 80% say the government doesn't work to the benefit of the people, it works for the few and the special interests. A startling 94% complain that the government doesn't pay any attention to the public will, and on like that. Under conditions like that, you would expect a landslide to a opposition almost whoever they are. And there wasn't one.

So one might ask why wasn't there a landslide? That goes off in an interesting direction. And other respects the outcome was pretty familiar. So once again, the election was essentially bought. 9 out of 10 of the victors outspent their opponents. Obama of course outspent McCain. If you look at the -- and we don't have final records yet from the final results, but they're probably going to be pretty much like the preliminaries a couple of months ago. Which showed that both Obama and McCain were getting the bulk of their financing from the financial institutions and for Obama, law firms which means essentially lobbyists. That was about over a third a few months ago. But the final results will probably be the same. And there is a -- the distribution of funding has over time been a pretty good predictor of what policies will be like for those of you who are interested, there's very good scholarly work on this by Tom Ferguson in Umass Boston, what he calls the investment theory of politics. Which argues essentially that elections are moments when groups of investors coalesce and invest to control the state and has quite the substantial predictive success. Gives some suggestion as to what's likely to happen. So that part's familiar. The -- what the future is as I say, depends on people like you.

The response for the election was interesting and instructive. It kept pretty much to the soaring rhetoric, to borrow the cliche, that was the major theme of the election. The election was described as an extraordinary display of democracy, a miracle that could only happen in America and on and on. Much more extreme than [what] Europe [could accomplish]. There's some accuracy in that if we keep to the West. That couldn't have happened anywhere else. Europe was much more racist than the United States and you wouldn't expect anything like that to happen.

On the other hand, if you look at the world, it's not that remarkable. So let's take the poorest countries in the Western Hemisphere. Haiti and Bolivia. In Haiti, there was an election in 1990 which really was an extraordinary display of democracy much more so than this.

In Haiti, there were grassroots movements, popular movements that developed in the slums and the hills, which nobody was paying any attention to. And they managed, even without any resources, to sweep into power their own candidate. A populist priest, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. That's a victory for democracy when popular movements can organize and set programs and pick their candidate and put them into office, which is not what happened here, of course.

I mean, Obama did organize a large number of people and many enthusiastic people in what's called in the press, Obama's Army. But the army is supposed to take instructions, not to implement, introduce, develop programs and call on its own candidate to implement them. That's critical. If the army keeps to that condition, nothing much will change. If it on the other hand goes away activists did in the sixties, a lot can change. That's one of the choices that has to be made. That's Haiti. Of course that didn't last very long. A couple of months later, there was military coup, a period of terror, we won't go through the whole record. Up the present, the traditional torturers of Haiti, France, and the United States have made sure that there won't be a victory for democracy there. It's a miserable story. Contrary to many illusions.

Take the second poorest country, Bolivia. They had an election in 2005 that's almost unimaginable in the West. Certainly here, anywhere. The person elected into office was indigenous. That's the most oppressed population in the hemisphere, those who survived. He's is a poor peasant. How did he get in? Well, he got in because there were again, a mass popular movement, which elected their own representative. And they are the source of the programs, which are serious ones. There's real issues, And people know them. Control over resources, cultural rights, social justice and so on.

Furthermore, the election was just an event that was particular stage in a long continuing struggle, a lot before and a lot after. There was day when people pushed the levers but that's just an event in ongoing popular struggles, very serious ones. A couple of years ago, there was a major struggle over privatization of water. An effort which it would in effect deprive a good part of the population of water to drink. And it was a bitter struggle. A lot of people were killed, but they won it. Through international solidarity, in fact, which helped. And it continues. Now that's a real election. Again, the plans, the programs are being developed, acted on constantly by mass popular movements, which then select their own representatives from their own ranks to carry out their programs. And that's quite different from what happened here.

Actually what happened here is understood by elite elements. The public relations industry which runs elections here -- quadrennial extravaganzas essentially -- makes sure to keep issues in the margins and focus on personalities and character and so on-and-so forth. They do that for good reasons. They know -- they look at public opinion studies and they know perfectly well that on a host of major issues both parties are well to the right of the population. That's one good reason to keep issues off the table. And they recognize the success.

So, every year, the advertising industry gives a prize to, you know, to the best marketing campaign of the year. This year, Obama won the prize. Beat out Apple company. The best marketing campaign of 2008. Which is correct, it is essentially what happened. Now that's quite different from what happens in a functioning democracy like say Bolivia or Haiti, except for the fact that it was crushed. And in the South, it's not all that uncommon. Notice that each of these cases, there's a much more extraordinary display of democracy in action than what we've seen-important as it was-here. And so the rhetoric, especially in Europe is correct if we maintain our own narrow racist perspective and say yeah, what happened was in the South didn't happen or doesn't matter. The only matters is what we do and by our standards, it was extraordinary miracle, but not by the standards of functioning democracy. In fact, there's a distinction in democratic theory, which does separate say the United States from Bolivia or Haiti.

Question is what is a democracy supposed to be? That's exactly a debate that goes back to the constitutional convention. But in recent years in the 20th century, it's been pretty well articulated by important figures. So at the liberal end the progressive end, the leading public intellectual of the 20th century was Walter Lippman. A Wilson, Roosevelt, Kennedy progressive. And a lot of his work was on a democratic theory and he was pretty frank about it. If you took a position not all that different from James Madison's. He said that in a democracy, the population has a function. Its function is to be spectators, not participants. He didn't call it the population. He called it the ignorant and meddlesome outsiders. The ignorant and meddlesome outsiders have a function and namely to watch what's going on. And to push a lever every once in a while and then go home. But, the participants are us, us privileged, smart guys. Well that's one conception of democracy. And you know essentially we've seen an episode of it. The population very often doesn't accept this. As I mentioned, just very recent polls, people overwhelmingly oppose it. But they're atomized, separated. Many of them feel hopeless, unorganized, and don't feel they can do anything about it. So they dislike it. But that's where it ends.

In a functioning democracy like say Bolivia or the United States in earlier stages, they did something about it. That's why we have the New Deal measures, the Great Society measures. In fact just about any step, you know, women's rights, end of slavery, go back as far as you like, it doesn't happen as a gift. And it's not going to happen in the future. The commentators are pretty well aware of this. They don't put it the way I'm going to, but if you read the press, it does come out. So take our local newspaper at the liberal end of the spectrum, Boston Globe, you probably saw right after the election, a front page story, the lead front page story was on how Obama developed this wonderful grassroots army but he doesn't have any debts. Which supposed to be a good thing. So he's free to do what he likes. Because he has no debts, the normal democratic constituency, labor, women, minorities and so on, they didn't bring him into office. So he owes them nothing.

What he had was an army that he organized of people who got out the vote for Obama. For what the press calls, Brand Obama. They essentially agree with the advertisers, it's brand Obama. That his army was mobilized to bring him to office. They regard that as a good thing, accepting the Lippman conception of democracy, the ignorant and meddlesome outsiders are supposed to do what they're told and then go home. The Wall Street Journal, at the opposite end of the spectrum, also had an article about the same thing at roughly the same time. Talked about the tremendous grassroots army that has been developed, which is now waiting for instructions. What should they do next to press forward Obama's agenda? Whatever that is. But whatever it is, the army's supposed to be out there taking instructions, and press work. Los Angeles Times had similar articles, and there are others. What they don't seem to realize is what they're describing, the ideal of what they're describing, is dictatorship, not democracy. Democracy, at least not in the Lippman sense, it proved -- I pick him out because he's so famous, but it's a standard position. But in the sense of say, much of the south, where mass popular movements developed programs; organize to take part in elections but that's one part of an ongoing process. And brings somebody from their own ranks to implement the programs that they develop, and if the person doesn't they're out. Ok, that's another kind of democracy. So it's up to us to choose which kind of democracy we want. And again, that will determine what comes next.

Well, what can we anticipate if the popular army, the grassroots army, decides to accept the function of spectators of action rather than participants? There's two kinds of evidence. There's rhetoric and there's action. The rhetoric, you know, is very uplifting: change, hope, and so on. Change was kind of reflective any party manager this year who read the polls, including the ones I cited, would instantly conclude that our theme in the election has to be change. Because people hate what's going on for good reasons. So the theme is change. In fact, both parties put both of them, the theme was change. So the theme is change. In fact both parties, both of them the theme was change. You know, break from the past, none of old politics, new things are going to happen. The Obama campaign did better so they won the marketing award, not the McCain campaign.

And notice incidentally on the side that the institutions that run the elections, public relations industry, advertisers, they have a role -- their major role is commercial advertising. I mean, selling a candidate is kind of a side rule. In commercial advertising as everybody knows, everybody who has ever looked at a television program, the advertising is not intended to provide information about the product, all right? I don't have to go on about that. It's obvious. The point of the advertising is to delude people with the imagery and, you know, tales of a football player, sexy actress, who you know, drives to the moon in a car or something like that. But, that's certainly not to inform people. In fact, it's to keep people uninformed.

The goal of advertising is to create uninformed consumers who will make irrational choices. Those of you who suffered through an economics course know that markets are supposed to be based on informed consumers making rational choices. But industry spends hundreds of millions of dollars a year to undermine markets and to ensure, you know, to get uninformed consumers making irrational choices.

And when they turn to selling a candidate they do the same thing. They want uninformed consumers, you know, uninformed voters to make irrational choices based on the success of illusion, slander, and effective body language or whatever else is supposed to be significant. So you undermine democracy pretty much the same way you undermine markets. Well, that's the nature of an election when it's run by the business world, and you'd expect it to be like that. There should be no surprise there. And it should also turn out the elected candidate didn't have any debts. So you can follow Brand Obama can be whatever they decide it to be, not what the population decides that it should be, as in the south, let's say. I'm going to say on the side, this may be an actual instance of a familiar and unusually vacuous slogan about the clash of civilization. Maybe there really is one, but not the kind that's usually touted.

So let's go back to the evidence that we have, rhetoric and actions. Rhetoric we know, but what are the actions? So far the major actions are selections, in fact the only action, of personnel to implement Brand Obama. The first choice was the Vice President, Joe Biden, one of the strongest supporters of the war in Iraq in the Senate, a long time Washington insider rarely deviates from the party vote. In cases where he does deviate they're not very uplifting. He did break from the party and voting for a Senate resolution that prevented people from getting rid of their debts by, individuals, that is, from getting rid of their debts by going into bankruptcy. It's a blow against poor people who've caught in this immense debt that's a large part of the basis for the economy these days. But usually, he's a, kind of, straight party-liner with the democrats on the sort of ultra naturalist side. The choice of Biden was a, must have been a conscious attempt to show contempt for the base of people who were voting for Obama, or organizing for him as an anti-war candidate.

Well, the first post-election appointment was for Chief of Staff, which is a crucial appointment; determines a large part of the president's agenda. That was Rahm Emanuel, one of the strongest supporters of the war in Iraq in the House. In fact, he was the only member of the Illinois delegation who voted for Bush's effective declaration of war. And, again, a longtime Washington insider. Also, one of the leading recipients in congress of funding from the financial institutions hedge funds and so on. He himself was an investment banker. That's his background. So, that's the Chief of Staff.

The next group of appointments were the main problem, the primary issue that the governments' going to have to face is what to do about the financial crisis. Obama's choices to more or less run this were Robert Rubin and Larry Summers from the Clinton -- Secretaries of Treasury under Clinton. They are among the people who are substantially responsible for the crisis. One leading economist, one of the few economists who has been right all along in predicting what's happening, Dean Baker, pointed out that selecting them is like selecting Osama Bin Laden to run the war on terror.

Yeah, I'll finish. This saves me the problem of what's coming next, so I'll finish with the elections. Let me make one final comment on this. There was meeting on November 7, I think of a group of couple, of a dozen advisers to deal with the financial crisis. Their careers were, records were reviewed in the business press, and Bloomberg News had an article reviewing their records and concluded that these people, most of these people shouldn't be giving advice about the economy. They should be given subpoenas.

Because most of them were involved in one or other form of financial fraud, that includes Rahm Emanuel, for example. What reason is there to think that the people who brought this crisis about are some how going to fix it? Well, that's a good indication of what's likely to come next, at least if we look at actions. We couldn't, but it won't. You can bring this up. Ask what we expect to see in particular cases. And there's evidence about that from statements from Obama's website. I'll mention just one thing about Obama's website, which gives an indication of what's happening. One of the major problems coming is Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's pretty serious. Take a look at Obama's website under issues, foreign policy issues. The names don't even appear. I mean, we're supposed to be ignorant and meddlesome outsiders. We're not supposed to know what Brand Obama is. So you can't find out that way. The statements that you hear are pretty hawkish. And it doesn't change much as you go through the list. So it's up to you to continue.

MIT Professor Chomsky, a world-renowned linguist, and author of more than 100 books, spoke last week to a packed audience in Boston at an event organized by Encuentro 5. His talk was titled "What Next? The Elections, the Economy, and the World."
© 2008 Democracy Now! All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/108964/